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19  WIST  MAIN  STIIIT 

WIBSTIR,  N.Y.  MSIO 

(716)  S7a-4S03 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The 
to  4 


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D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur6e  et/ou  pellicul6e 


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be( 
the 
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Ce  document  est  filmA  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


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12X 


UK 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmed  here  het  been  reproduced  thenks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


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g4n4rosit6  de: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


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sion, or  the  beck  cover  when  r  ppropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  lest  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nette;*  de  I'exemplaire  filmi,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmte  en  commenpant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  joit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  fiimis  en  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
derniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — ^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE ',  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


Meps,  pistes,  cherts,  etc.,  mey  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  largo  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hend  corner,  left  to 
right  end  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tabu^aux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  rMuction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seui  clichA,  il  est  film*  A  partir 
de  Tangle  sup6rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  an  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


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,i*«Vf^rvtra?»'3i 


SPEECH 


OF 


.MK.  J.  F.  BELL,  OF  KENTUCKY, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 


DELIVERED 


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IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


February  4,  1846. 


.      WASHINGTON: 

J.  k  0.  S.  GIDEON,  PRINTERS. 
1846. 


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SPEECH 


The  resolution  reported  by  the  Committee  c  "''oreign  Affairs  directing  notice  of  twelve  montha 
to  be  given  to  lerminate  the  Convention  with  Great  ritain  foi  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon,  being 
under  consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  State  of  the  Union — 

Mr,  BELL,  of  Kentucky,  having  obtained  the  floor,  on  his  suggestion  the  House  ad- 
journed. Oa  the  meeting  of  the  House  next  day,  Mr.  B.  commenced  by  returning 
his  profoundest  acknowledgments  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  for  its  cour- 
tesy in  rising  yesterday,  and  indulging  him  with  the  possession  of  the  floor  this  morn- 
ing. He  said  he  would  endeavor  to  compensate  the  committee  for  their  kindness  by 
the  brevity  of  his  remarks,  by  the  utmost  brevity  compatible  with  an  explicit  expres- 
sion of  his  opinion  on  this  most  important  subject.  For  (said  Mr.  B.)  this  is  a  subject 
of  greatest  consequence — of  an  importance  which  justly  causes  it  to  rise  above  all  lo- 
cal and  sectional  interests — above  all  factious  and  party  considerations.  It  involves  di- 
Tectly  in  its  discussion  the  acquisition,  or  rather  retention,  of  a  large  extent  of  valuable 
territory;  and  upon  our  action  here  depend,  in  some  measure, peace  and  war.  The  in- 
terest felt  upon  it,  and  upon  our  action,  is  widespread — nay,  sir,  it  is  imiversal.  It  is 
felt  here  by  us  who  participate  in  this  discussion,  and  by  our  constituents  at  home;  and 
the  probability  of  a  war  between  England  and  the  United  States,  the  two  greatest  nations 
of  the  earth,  awakens  the  anxious  expectation  of  the  world;  and  already  have  the  questions 
which  arise  from  this  subject  been  announced  upon  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  by  the 
British  minister,  as  the  most  momentous  which  can  now  or  hereafter  affect  the  relations 
of  civilized  nations.  And,  therefore,  questions  such  as  this,  should  be  approached  in 
the  spirit  of  patriotism  rather  than  of  party;  in  that  comprehensive  and  catholic  spirit 
which  looks  not  to  a  section  or  State,  but  to  the  whole  country,  and  to  its  vast  and  di- 
versified interests  as  a  unit.  It  is  to  me  a  subject  of  rejoicing,  and  to  the  country  one 
of  congratulation,  that  in  this  spirit,  thuB  far,  with  few  exceptions,  has  this  debate  pro- 
gressed. All  candid  men  will  admit,  and  none  but  the  bigots  of  party  will  deny,  that 
great  national  questions,  whicli  relate  directly  to  our  foreign  intercourse,  should  ever  be 
kept  aloof  from  those  which  refer  to  the  administration  of  home  affairs.  The  strifes 
M'hich  the  latter  engender  are  sufliciently  embittered  without  the  addition  of  the  other, 
which  only  add  intensity  to  the  bitterness,  and  fierceness  to  the  strife,  and  are  calculated 
to  prevent  an  enlightened  and  patriotic  judgment  on  both. 

And  the  difficulties  which  now  unfortunately  surround  this  subject  have  their  origin 
in  that  ''disastrous  conjunction"  of  domestic  and  foreign  policy,  which,  for  party  pur- 
poses, was  made  at  the  Baltimore  convention,  during  the  year  1844,  by  tlie  wise  men 
there  assemoled  to  promulgate  the  true  democratic  faith.  Yes,  sir,  if  this  question  had 
been  raised  by  the  people  themselves,  rather  than  by  the  restless  agitators  who  were 
there  gathered  together  to  give  direction  to  the  political  current,  that  they  might  floa».  to 
ofHce  and  to  power;  if  Oregon,  "  the  whole  of  Oregon  or  none,"  had  not  been  made 
"  the  battle-cry"  in  the  late  Presidential  election,  many  of  tUe  embarrassments  which 
now  surround  the  negotiations  on  this  subject  wOuld  not  exist. 

But  that  august  assemblage  announced  to  the  world,  in  one  of  its  oracular  resolutions 
—Oracular  at  least  in  the  cunningly  devised  duplicity  of  its  language — that  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear,  and  pledged  its  members,  and  the  power  of  the  whole 
party,  to  the  re-occupation  of  Oregon,  and  the  re-annexntion  of  Texas,  at  the  earliest 
practicable  period.  Permit  me  to  remark,  in  passing,  that  the  short  syllable  re  has, 
according  to  democratic  construction,  a  remarkable  magic,  for  no  ottier  word  would  suit 
but  the  r^-annexation  of  Texas,  whi(^h  had  never  been  annexed,  and  nothing  but  r«-oc- 
cupatlon  of  Oregon,  from  the  occupancy  of  whicii  wo  never  have  been  displaced. 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  regarding  the  resolution  of  the  convention  as  a 
letter  of  instructions,  in  his  Inaugural  address,  endorsed  the  opinion  that  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon  was  clear  and  indisputable;  and  not  gifted  with  powers  o(  casuis- 


II 


—.f^Hmem^tsaajiS^ 


try  equal  to  some  of  the  members  of  this  House,  who  were  also  members  of  that  con- 
vention, he  supposes  that  the  presem  is  the  earliest  practicable  period  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  tbe  desired  re-occupation  of  Oregon  ;  whilst  those  members  who  thought 
that  the  re-annexation  of  Texas  meant  immediately,  if  not  sooner,  suppose  the  re- 
occupation  of  Oregon  means  a  year  or  two  years  hence,  or  never,  according  to  the  par- 
ticular opinion  of  each  individual.  And  the  difference  of  interpretation  to  the  same 
language  has  given  rise  to  some  appeals  to  party  on  this  floor,  which  are  calculated  to 
excite  merriment.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois  (Mr.  Wbntworth)  has  appealed  to 
the  members  of  the  democratic  party,  who  are  disposed  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  re- 
solution giving  notice,  by  the  recollection  of  their  common  association  and  cordial 
tinion  at  Baltimore,  and  by  the  still  stronger  and  more  urgent  demand  of  a  compliance 
with  the  terms  of  what,  by  implication,  he  asserts  was  a  compact  between  the  friends 
of  Texas  and  Oregon,  and  by  the  assurance  that  the  Northern  and  Western  democracy 
have  fultiUed  thei""  part,  and  voted  (gone  it  blind,  to  borrow  the  gentleman's  language,) 
for  Texas,  and  that  now  is  the  time  for  the  Southern  democracy  to  pay  up,  and  go  for 
Oregon.  Other  members  of  tlie  democratic  parly  on  this  floor  are  inclined  to  read  out 
of  the  democratic  church  those  who  supported  the  nominee  of  the  Baltimore  conven- 
tion; but  now,  having  elected  him,  are  disposed  to  vote  against  the  notice,  which  he 
recommends  as  one  of  the  necessary  steps  to  the  re-occupation  of  Oregon. 

With  the  harmonizing  of  these  family  quarrels  I  have  nothing  to  do,  or  with  the  reading- 
out  of  the  democratic  church  its  recreant  and  contumacious  members ;  but  protest 
against  all  those  being  read  into  that  church,  who  advocate  the  notice.  It  is  to 
me  a  matter  of  rejoicing  that  the  Whigs  on  this  floor  are  permitted,  on  this  great 
national  question,  to  follow  the  dictates  of  duty,  the  suggestions  of  patriotism,  unaffect- 
ed by  the  open  and  influential  dictation  of  party  conventions,  or  the  no  less  powerful^ 
though  more  secret,  appliances  of  cliques  and  caucuses. 

It  is  a  useless  consumption  of  time,  at  this  late  day  of  the  debate,  to  detain  the  com- 
mittee with  a  discussion  of  the  title  to  Oregon — various  sources  of  title  are  supposed  to 
exist,  but  I  will  not  go  into  them;  I  will  not  go  into  a  technical  construction  of  trea? 
ties  between  Spain  and  England  to  ascectain  their  actual  or  legal  meaning;  nor  into  the 
grant  by  the  "  British  kings,  to  the  early  and  adventurous  colonists,  which  gave  the 
right  to  conquer  and  colonize  from  sea  to  sea;"  nor  examine  the  claim  from  continuity 
and  contiguity  of  territory ;  nor  of  the  claim  resulting  Irom  the  genius  and  spirit  of  our 
people,  and  the  eternal  laws  of  nature  ;  nor  from  "  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  repub- 
lic ;"  nor  from  our  power  to  whip  England,  and,  by  force  of  our  own  swords,  take  and 
maintain  Oregon. 

All  these  have  been  relied  on  with  great  earnestness  and  confidence ;  but  most  of 
them  are  so  indetinile,  that  the  time  may  yet  come  when  our  claim  may  settle  down  on 
the  two  last  named,  Destiny  and  Power,  and  they  become  important  links  in  the  strong 
chain  M'hich  binds  Oregon  to  us.  For  the  history  of  the  world,  from  the  earliest  estab- 
lishment of  empires  among  men,  proves,  that  when  contiguous  territory  is  necessary  to 
the  genenil.  political,  or  commercial  welfare  of  a  particular  people,  ai^d  they  have  the 
power  to  take  and  keep  it,  its  acquisition  becomes  a  matter  of  "manifest  destiny  ;'*  it  isf 
not  always  right,  for  it  is  i^onietimes  the  "manifest  destiny"  of  nations  to  do  wrong. 

It  is  not  necessary,  to  tlie  discussion  of  the  issues  which  legitimately  arise  in  this  de- 
bate, \(f  define  precisely  how  much  of  Oregon  our  title  covers — whether  from  the  42(1 
parallel  of  north  latitude  to  49°  51'  54\  or  61st  degree  of  same  latitude,  all  these  differ- 
ent degrees  having  been  assumed,  by  different  speakers,  as  the  correct  boundaiies.  It 
is  only  necessary  to  say,  that  the  adjustment  and  settlement  of  a  boundary  is  emphati- 
cally the  subject  of  negotiation — not  of  legislation— and  falls  peculiarly  within  the  pro- 
vince of  the  President  and  Senate,  as  the  treaty-making  power,  and  not  of  Congress, 
the  law-making  power.  And,  on  great  questions  like  this,  each  department  must  act 
within  the  particular  limits  prescribed  by  the  Constitution ;  each  under  a  sense  of  its 
own  responsibilities.  And,  as  the  President  has  not  asked  from  Congress  any  expres- 
sion of  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  the  true  boundary  line,  but  only  asked  for  notice 
to  ieniiinate  the  treaty,  which  latter,  the  giving  of  the  notice,  I  hold  belongs  to  the  law- 


mak 
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line 


making,  in  common  with  the  treaty-making,  power,  it  is  right  that  we  confine  ourselves 
10  the  recori^ ,  t-nd  act  only  on  the  subject  suggested  by  the  President,  as  on  tiiat  only  he 
wants  light. 

It  is  not  necessary,  now,  to  estimate  the  precise  importance  of  the  territory  to  the 
United  States,  either  in  a  social,  political,  or  commercial  point  of  view,  ahhough,  on 
this  view,  I  had  desired  to  offer  some  remarks;  but,  pursuant  to  my  pledge  of  brevity, 
I  will  proceed  at  once  to  the  discussion  of  the  propriety  of  giving  ar  withholding  the 
notice  recommended  by  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

As  preliminary,  it  may  be  taken  as  true  that  all  American  statesmen  believe  that  our 
title  to  Oregon,  from  the  i'Zd  to  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  is  clear,  and,  beyond 
question,  better  than  that  of  England  ;  and,  as  to  that  part  between  49,  and  the  Russian 
line  54°  40',  our  own  statesmen  have  differed,  some  supposing  England's  best— others 
ours,  and  others  that  neither  had  a  perfect  title.  It  is  true  that  both  England  and  tha 
United  States  now  assert,  and  have  always  asserted,  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon.  And, 
in  1818,  when  the  popular  mind  in  both  countries  had  not  quieted  down  t'rom  the  high 
■excitement  occasioned  by  the  late  war,  they,  after  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  compromise 
their  conflicting  claims,  in  the  spirit  of  peace,  and  for  the  purpose  of  removing  all  sub- 
ject of  contention  likely  to  perpetuate  the  then  existing  feeling  of  exasperation,  in  a 
treaty  signed  on  the  20th  October,  in  that  year,  agreed  that  all  Oregon,  with  its  harbors, 
ttays,  creeks,  and  navigation  of  its  rivers,  should  be  free  and  open,  for  ten  years  there- 
after, to  vessels,  citizens,  and  subjects  of  both  Governments;  and,  just  before  the  ex- 
piration of  the  ten  years,  the  two  Governments,  by  another  treaty,  agreed  that  the  first 
treaty,  should  be  further  indefinitely  extended,  and  continued  in  force  till  one  should 
give  the  other  due  notice  of  twelve  months  of  a  desire  to  annul  and  abrogate  the  treaty. 
Neither  having  given  t'  3  notice  tfce  treaties  are  in  full  force;  and  all  statesmen,  without 
regard  to  party,  who  respect  the  faith  of  treaties,  who  would  preserve  unsullied  the  na- 
■tioual  honor,  concede  it  as  a  question  too  plain  for  argument,  that  no  step  can  be  taken 
by  us  to  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  country  till  we  have  given  the  notice  required 
fey  our  most  solemn  and  long  respected  treaties. 

All,  or  nearly  all,  on  this  floor  regard  Oregon  of  great  prospective  value  to  us;  and  I, 
for  one,  do  not  under-estimate  it ;  but,  look  upon  it  as  that,  upon  whose  possession  or 
loss  depends  the  loss  or  gain  of  the  commerce  of  the  East;  a  commerce  whose 
juuaificent  rewards  and  wealth  are  not  within  the  rea(^  pf  present  calculations. 

Mr.  Chairman,  dift'er  as  we  may  and  do  on  many  subjects,  yet  on  this  we  all,  to  some 
extent,  occupy  common  ground.  Differ  as  we  may,  as  to  the  mode  of  obtaining  the  de- 
sired end,  yet  we  do  not  differ  in  our  common  desire  of  obtaining,  or  rather  retaining, 
"Oregon,  and  that,  too,  honorably,  and  without  an  appeal  to  the  fearful  arbitrament  of  the 
•sword.  The  only  question  is  how  can  this  which  should,  and  I  doubt  not  is,  the  anxious 
•desire  of  every  man  on  this  floor,  be  accomplished  ?  Gentlemen  who  have  expressed 
their  sentiments  here  may  be  classified  as  those  who  are  for  action ;  those  who  are  for 
inaction  ;  those  who  .ire  for  assuming  open  ground,  and  giving  the  notice  to  annul  the 
treaty  as  to  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon  ;  those  who  are  against  all  forms  of  notice, 
but  who  say  that  our  people  ought  to  be  encouraged  to  visit  and  settle  the  territory, 
Thus,  in  fact,  taking  possession  of  Oregon  under  the  implied  sanction  of  the  Govern- 
ment— keeping  the  treaty  to  the  letter,  but  breaking  it  to  the  faith.  This  policy  wears, 
to  my  mind,  the  aspect  of  weakness,  duplicity,  and  cowardice;  and  its  practice  will  result 
in  war,  whose  disasters  and  horrors  will  not  be  lessened  by  its  being  dishonorable  war. 

Believing  that  procrastination  is  not  likely  to  advance  our  claim  to  the  territory,  bu*. 
that  our  delay  is  strengthening  IJritish  title,  and  is  involving  this  whole  subject  in  em- 
barrassments, complicated  and  numerous,  and  which  may  terminate  in  the  loss  of  Oregon 
and  will  result  in  war,  I,  for  one,  am  for  action.  I  am  for  giving  the  notice,  not  in  the 
language  of  the  braggart  or  the  bravo,  aftecting  neither  to  fear  or  cure  for  the  hazards 
and  evils  of  war,  i)Ut  in  language  mild  and  courteous,  yet  manly  and  firm,  expressing 
the  determination  to  abrogate  the  treaty,  coupled  with  an  expression  of  opinion  that  the 
'Conflicting  claims  of  the  two  Govornmenis  should  he  settled  t)y  honorable  negotiation. 
The  notice  should  be  given,  not  as  a  war,  but  emphatically  as  a  peace,  mcusitre. 


:S 


li 


"^^'-i^rtjAiit, 


6 


In  the  spirit  of  perfect  justice,  \vc  should  assert  title  to  no  more  of  Oregon  than  that 
■which  can  be  maintained  by  argument,  and  for  the  propriety  of  which  we  can  appeal  to 
God  and  man,  and  which  we  are  willing,  if  need  be,  to  refer  to  the  decision  of  the  swords 
Like  a  wise  and  sensible  farmer,  who  anticipates  the  possibility  of  a  long  and  vexatious 
law-suit  with  a  neighbor,  in  relation  to  a  doubtful  or  disputed  boundary  between  ad- 
joining farms,  we  should  plant  our  fence  clearly  within  our  own  lands,  so  that  when 
the  hour  of  trial  comes  we  can  make  our  right  manifest.  Upon  a  question  like  this, 
on  whose  momentous  issues  hang  the  world's  peace  and  all  its  blessings,  or  a  war,  the 
clash  of  whose  conflicts,  the  din  of  whose  disastrous  battles  would  be  heard  throughout  the 
world,  if  our  rulers  were  like  political  managers  in  a  canvass,  or  hucksters  in  the  markets^ 
either  to  advance  the  interests  of  themselves  or  to  secure  a  good  bargain,  to  assert  claim 
to  more  of  the  territory  than  was  clear,  they  would  deserve,  and  they  would  receive,  the 
indignation  and  scorn  of  all  good  men,  for  conduct  whose  infamy  could  only  be  equalled 
by  treason  itself. 

The  question,  then,  presents  itself,  which  of  the  forms  of  notice  shall  we  take — that 
proposed  by  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs,  or  that  by  the  gentleman  from  Alabama, 
(Mr.  HiLLiARD.)  which  proposes  to  confer  on  the  President  discretionary  power  of 
giving  or  not  the  notice  ;  that  suggested  by  the  gentleman  from  Connecticut,  (Mr.  Rock- 
well,) or  that  by  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  (Mr.  King  ;)  or  any  of  the  various 
amendments  and  propositions  which  have  fallen  so  numerously  and  rapidly  on  the 
clerk's  table,  that  it  is  diflTicult  to  keep  their  count,  much  less  by  name  designate  them. 

The  ground  has  been  taken  by  some  that  no  notice  whatever  ought  to  be  given  by 
this  House,  because  it  is  said  Congress  has  no  constitutional  power  so  to  do,  and  such 
acts  belong  exclusively  to  those  departments  of  the  Government  clothed  by  the  Consti- 
tution with  power  to  make  treaties.  Plausible  as  is  this  view,  and  taken,  as  it  has  been, 
by  some  very  able  gentlemen,  it  appears  to  me  specious  rather  than  true,  cautious  rather 
than  correct.  All  that  England  has  a  right  to  require,  is  the  will  of  the  people  of  this 
nation,  who  are  its  sovereigns,  expressed  through  some  reliable  and  organized  body ; 
and,  whenever  that  will  is  so  expressed,  whether  through  the  Executive,  or  President 
and  Senato,  under  their  treaty-making  power,  or  Congress,  as  the  power  representative 
of  the  whole  people,  England  would  have  no  right  to  refuse  the  notice  because  it  was 
•^'^t  constitutionally  given.     lam  satisfied   that,  if  the  President  of  the  United  States 

're  upon  his  own  refsponsibiliiy'to  give  this  tiotice,  Great  Britain  could  not  raise  the 

estiou  of  constitutional  power.  No,  sir;  as  the  chief  executive  ofl^cer  of  the  nation^ 
itie  only  functionary  through  whom  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations  can  be  con- 
ducted, as  the  representative  of  the  people,  whose  voice  is  the  concentrated  expression 
of  twenty  millions  of  freemen,  a  notice  given  by  him  would  not,  could  not,  be  question- 
ed by  any  foreign  government.  The  President  has  not  thus  chosen  to  act.  I  will  not 
say  that  he  ought  so  to  have  acted.  He  has  appealed  to  Congress  for  the  exercise  of  its 
power  in  giving  this  notice — for  this  body,  which  directly  reflects  and  represents  the 
interests  and  wishes  of  the  people,  who  are  to  be  ihe  sulFerers  or  gainers  by  our  wise 
or  unwise  action,  who  are  to  be  blessed  with  peace  or  cursed  with  war,  and  who  are  to 
reap  the  profits  of  that  peace,  or  bear  the  heavy  expenditure  of  money  and  blood  of  that 
war,  we  ought  not  now  to  shrink  from  an  expression  of  opinion  as  to  the  best  mode  oi 
extricating  the  Government  from  the  difficulties  and  perils  which  embarrass  it. 

And,  though  those  difficulties  and  perils  have  resulted  from  the  unwise  action  of  the 
President  and  his  party  leaders,  and,  religiously,  I  believe  they  are  chargeabl,;  with  it^ 

?ret  we  should  not,  who  are  Whigs,  refuse  to  pursue  the  dictates  of  patriotism;  but,, 
brgetting  party  in  the  loftier  considerations  of  duty  to  the  country,  we  should  now  not 
so  much  enquire  how  the  dangers  have  been  produced,  but  do  they  exist,  and  how  shall 
they  be  most  honorably  avoided  or  successfully  met.  1  do  not  doubt  that  gentlemen, 
who  have  thought  the  opposite  course  as  best,  have  been  governed  by  patriotic  consider- 
ations, but  difl'er  with  them  in  their  sense  of  present  duty. 

That  this  Oregon  question  is  now  involved  in  dilFiculties  that  never  before  beset 
it,  that  those  difficulties  have  been  prodflced  by  the  would-be  leaders,  but,  in  fact,  wire 
>yorl<ers,  of  the  Democratic  party,  is  perfectly  clear.     Sir,  the  forcing  this  question  oi' 


Oregon 
being, 
gready 
blage  0 
labors 
wno  m 
mation 
themse 
ment,  i 
jiounce 
,elemen 
which 
Preside 
dress, 
organ- 
Preside 
tertitor 
and  in 
declare 
can  be 
hhat  at 
righti 
j  not  be 

■|  in  the 
if  set  of 
whole 
their  p 
to  the 
tramnv 
sition  1 
no  fact 
asks, 
vance. 
hope,"^.: 
which 
we  car 
mined 
step  b; 
not  of 
would 
I  an 
I  which 
matter 
honor; 
^suggei 
AfTairi 
which 
this  fl 
of  del 
tionab 


'«3!«W??^PWW»^?*?W6^ 


amm^ 


than  that 
I  appeal  to 
the  swords 

vexatious 
tween  ad- 
hat  when 

like  this, 
a  war,  the 
ighout  tlie 
e  markets, 
sert  claim 
;ceive,  the 
e  equalled 

ake — that 
Alabama, 

power  of 
^Ir.  RocK- 
e  various 
ly  on  the 
te  them. 

given  by 

and  such 
le  Consti- 
has  been, 
3US  rather 
le  of  this 
ed  body ; 
President 
?sentalive 
ise  it  was 
id  States 

raise  the 
le  nation,, 
1  be  con- 
icpression 
question- 
[  will  not 
cise  of  its 
sents  the 
our  wise 
ho  are  to 
)d  of  that 
I  mode  of 

>n  of  the 
!  with  it^ 
ism;  but,, 
now  not 
low  shall 
•nllemen, 
consider- 

ire  beset 
"act,  wire 
estion  of 


Oregon  and  Texas  into  an  unnatural  coalition  with  those  of  a  bank  and  a  tariff,  its 
being,  without  reference  la  consequences,  urged  into  the  Presidential  canvass,  have 
greatly  embarrassed  the  negotiations  of  our  Government.  That  miscellaneous  assem- 
blage of  geHtlemen  and  patriots,  known  as  the  Baltimore  Convention,  the  fruit  of  whose 
labors  was  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk  and  ine  passage  of  the  Oregon  resolution, 
wno  met  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  the  procla- 
mation of  the  principles  on  which  that  nominee  was  to  be  elected;  instead  of  confining 
themselves  to  principles  which  relate  to  the  domestic  administration  of  our  Govern- 
ment, unfortunately  for  the  country  took  its  foreign  policy  under  consideration,  and  an- 
nounced the  remarkable  resolution  which  I  have  before  mentioned.  They  threw  a  new 
element  of  strife  into  the  party  contest,  and  gave  beginning  to  these  very  difHculties 
which  now  beset  us,  and  whose  termination  the  most  sagacious  cannot  foresee.  The 
President,  feeling  himself  instructed  by  the  resolution,  announced,  in  his  inaugural  ad- 
dress, that  our  title  to  Oregon  was  clear  and  indisputable.  His  officious,  if  not  official, 
organ — and,  perhaps,  both  officious  and  official — reasserted  the  same  ;  and  thougii  the 
President,  in  the  mean  time,  had  offered  to  compromise  by  a  surrender  of  part  of  the 
tertitory — all  north  of  the  49th  parrallel — on  its  rejection,  broke  off  all  negotiation, 
and  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress  reaffirms  our  title  to  be  good  to  the  whole,  and 
declares  that  he  believes  no  compromise  which  the  United  States  ou?ht  to  accept 
can  be  effected,  advises  the  giving  of  the  notice  to  terminate  \\\e  Conv  .iOn,  and  says 
that  at  the  end  of  the  year's  notice  we  shall  have  reached  a  period  when  the  national 
"  rights  in  Oregon  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly  maintained,  and  that  they  could 
not  be  abandoned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and  interest." 

This  l^guage  and  this  tone,  Mr.  Chairman,  of  the  President,  adds  another  dilBculty 
j^  in  the  way  of  giving  this  notice,  because  the  President  seems  to  regard  it  as  one  of  a 
if  set  of  war  measures.  He  either  intends  to  bully  or  fight,  and  he  has  thus  brought  this 
:}]  whole  matter  to  a  crisis ;  and  in  a  crisis  like  this  the  people's  representatives  arc,  by 
their  peculiar  relation  to  the  people,  particularly  called  on  to  express  their  conviction  as 
to  the  course  to  be  pursued  ;  and  the  Whigs  on  this  floor,  from  the  fact  that  tliey  are 
.trammelled  by  no  party  dictation,  committed  by  no  Baltimore  resolution,  are  in  the  po- 
sition to  act  calmly  and  patriotically.  I  trust,  nay,  I  know,  they  will  give  the  President 
no  factious  opposition,  but  will  unite  with  his  friends,  and  give  the  notice  which  he 
asks.  We  have  gone  too  far  to  retrace  our  steps  with  honor.  Safety  is  only  in  ad- 
vance. But,  under  a  sense  of  all  the  responsibilities  which  now  surround  Congress,  I 
hope,  it  \yill  take  only  such  steps  as  are  perfectly  right,  and  make  no  advance  but  that 
which  it  will  be  able  to  maintain  before  Christendom,  and  to  the  maintenance  of  which 
we  can  pledge  the  honor  of  the  people  and  power  of  the  nation.  And,  having  deter- 
mined to  bring  this  long  pending  controversy  to  a  close,  we  should  take  our  ground, 
step  by  step,  peaceably,  yet  bravely  ;  and,  in  making  our  ultimatum,  it  should  be  that, 
not  of  the  President,  not  of  politicians,  but  of  the  whole  American  people,  which  ihey 
would  maintain  by  sword  and  battle. 

I  answer  the  question  what  sort  of  notice  shall  be  given,  by  saying,  that  the  notice 
which  may  be  given,  should  be  qualified  by  the  expression  of  opinion,  that  the  whole 
matter  of  difficulty  should  be  adjusted  by  negotiation;  that  it  can  be  so  adjusted,  and 
honorably,  I  cannot  doubt.  My  only  reason  for  preferring  some  modification,  such  as 
1^ suggested  above,  is,  that  the  naked  notice,  as  reported  by  the  Cpuunittee  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  looked  uponas  one  of  that  series  of  measures  recommended  by  tlie  President  and 
which  may  terminate  in  war,  has  a  warlike  aspect;  and  thoutyh  assured  by  its  friends  oa 
this  floor  that  its  purpose  is  peaceful,  yet  the  very  tact  that  this  purpose  is  .the  subject 
of  debate,  even  among  tiie  friends  of  the  Administration  themselves,  proves  its  ijties- 
tionable  character.     And,  sir,  like  the  gliost  in  Hamlet,  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  it  be 

"  An  anjjTcl  m  : '  I'tli,  or  g-obliu  dniniied — 
•1    i    i  Bring  with  it  airs  iV,om  luavcii,  or  hlasts  tViuu  hull. ■' 

On  a  question  like  this  our  position  should  not  be  debateable — should  not  be  the  sub- 
ject of  a  doubt — it  should  be  pacific,  manly,  and  firm. 

It  is  objected  further,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  if  notice  be  given  it  will  produce  war,  It  is  not 


•  ;  « 


g|iMl'"l"IWWllli  W.-JI 


•i*ta 


8 


i 


r  • 


probable  that  any  notice  in  itself  w'lW  produce  war.     But  much  will  depend  on  the  in- ^on.sequc 
tention  with  which  it  is  given,  and  that  intention  must  be  gathered  from  its  tone  and  tirorth  tei| 
language,  and  from  the  Executive  and  Legislative  acts  which  have  preceded  and  will  fhould  b 
succeed  it.    If  this  Government  intend  it  as  a  challenge — if  it  be  flung  as  a  gage  of  battle  war,  the 
at  the  foot  of  a  haughty  and  a  hated  foe,  in  the  same  temper  will  it  be  lifted.     If  it  be  fte  worl 
the  blast  of  the  trumpet  which  summons  to  the  field  of  honor  and  of  mortal  fight,  then  manner  i 
will  the  answering  defiance  be  heard,  and  the  armed  foeman  cannot  avoid  the  lists,  ifonorabl 
The  shock  of  the  conflict  will  be  inevitable.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  intend  this  no- , '  I  have 
tice  as  only  the  more  earnest  and  anxious  expression  of  our  desire  for  the  amicable  and  <i(  war  a 
honorable  adjustment  of  this  long  protracted  controversy,  now  perilous  to  the  peace,  sts  one  o 
prejudicial  to  the  interests,  of  both  Governments,  and  every  day  becoming  more  compli-  introducel 
cated  and  more  perilous,  in  a  corresponding  spirit  will  we  be  met,  and  peace  be  its  re-  conspicu 
suit.     It  is  right  that  we  should  make  it  in  its  face  and  form,  as  it  professes  to  be  in  its  tlie  com 
design  and  purpose,  a  peace  measure.     Peace  is  a  blessing  of  such  inestimable  value —  iikd  doub 
war  is  a  curse  of  such  infinite  evil — that  the  one  should  be  cherished  and  cultivated,  the  (giesary  h| 
other  be  shunned  and  avoided,  by  all  honorable  means.    Sir,  we  all  profess  a  desire  for  JBealous  a 
peace;  it  is  the  condition  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the  Republic — to  the  development  ^*  second 
cf  its  vast  and  various  resources— necessary  to  the  successful  prosecution  of  its  com-  sUlude  to 
merce,  its  agriculture,  and  its  manufactures.     It  is  that  which  has  so  benefitted  and  <^not  bn 
blessed  us,  which,  like  the  dews  and  sunshine,  has  fallen  upon  our  land,  and  "clothed 
it  with  beauty  as  with  a  garment."    And  that  statesman,  now,  who  by  his  rash  and  in- 
•considerate,  much  less  his  reckless  and  wilful  action,  breaks  that  peace,  will  deserve, 
and  receive,  the  curses  of  God  and  man.     It  should  be  the  habitual  policy  of  this  Gov- 
>ernment  to  cultivate  peace  with  all  nations;  as  a  matter  of  principle  to  avoid  war,  with 
the  weak  as  well  as  the  strong.     We  should  not  seek  it  with  the  weakest  anri  most  de- 
pressed of  the  nations,  with  even  the  down-trodden  and  impotent  Mexican.     His  very 
weakness  should   be  thei  <Tuarantee  of  our  justice,  his  inability  to  avenge  a  wrong  the 
surest  appeal  to  our  mag  .animity,  and  the  strongest  assurance  that  we  would  not,  we 
could  not,  insult,  much  less  strike  him. 

the  correctness  of  this  policy  constituted 
the  immediate  annexation  o<"  Texas,  she 
I  apprehend  that  it  might  result  in  th 


an- 


The  firm  and  consc;entious  conviction  of 
one  of  the  reasons  whtoh  led  me  to  oppose 
then  being  in  a  state  of  war  with  Mexico. 

nexation  of  war;  and  though  the  war  was  not  to  be  a  dangerous  one,  or  very  bloody, 
yet  it  vv'as  to  be  an  unnecessary  one.  But  permit  me  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that, 
from  the  passage  of  the  joint  resolution  by  Congress,  and  its  acceptance  by  Texas,  the 
whole  question  was  changed  ;  a  contract  was  made  by  our  Government  with  '  Fexas, 
and,  by  every  consideration  of  honor  we  should  have  fulfilled  that  contract,  and  at 
every  hazard.  Nothing  but  dangerous  and  protracted  illness  prevented  me  from 
voting  for  the  bill,  which  in  fact  admitted  Texas  into  this  Union,  for  I  do  not  feel  to- 
wards her  as  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr.  Culver,)  who  addressed  the  com- 
mittee last  night,  who  remarked,  he  did  not  regard  her  as  a  sister  legitimately  born  into 
the  family,  and  tiierefore  he  did  not  cordially  receive  her.  I  feel  for  her  the  kind- 
liest sympathy,  and  welcome  her  into  the  family  circle  as  one  of  the  sisterhood  of  States, 
henceforth  entitled,  with  the  others,  to  an  equal  participation  in  the  blessings  and 
protection  of  the  great  family  dwelling.  In  the  same  policy  I  would  have  the  Govern- 
ment to  avoid  war  with  England,  not  from  the  motives  and  considerations  which  some 
gentlemen  have  so  forcibly  referred  to  ;  not  because,  as  some  have  said,  we  are  weal^ 
and  she  strong — because  we  are  defenceless  and  she  armed  at  all  points,  and  exhaust- 
less  in  the  munitions  of  war;  not  because,  as  some  gentlemen  have  said,  that  her 
Island  '4ueen  sits  throned  upon  an  empire  whose  shadow  covers  the  world ;  not  be- 
cause her  proud  flag,  in  the  day  of  battle,  will  be  upheld  by  well  appointed  and  invincible 
veterans  ;  not  because  her  war  steamers  and  her  well  built  and  countless  ships  of  the 
line  upon  the  wing  of  the  wind  and  wing  of  the  flame  shall  cover  the  ocean,  and  sweep 
every  sea  with  their  destructive  and  irresistible  fire.  But  I  would  avoid  war  with  Great 
Britain,  because  we  have  not  resorted  to  all  proper  and  honorable  means  for  an  amica- 
ble adjustment  of  the  controversy,  at\d  therefore  war  must  be  deemed  unnecessary,  and 


ll^asserts 
'  ritory, 
dispu 
honor 
ts,  and 
o  are  t 
given, 
the  wl 
tegon,  a 
^ave  coi 
text,  V 
•I  the  no 
,  howev 
d  conse 
^  The  rei 
fliven,  we 
^  The  m 
IS  four  t 
jundary 
^ise,  and 
fver,  and 
lirly  be  i 
le  subjei 
m,  in  th 
)r  a  terri 
lificant  v 
3rving  tl 
rbich,  tl 
)Out  the 
)unds  tl 
lection  c 
lie  a,  the 
between 
Again, 
|n  times 
ieget  the 
In  the  sa 


'7a»wi»«wp'W>^?*'^'«»«*«''='^ 


L«^ 


r 


.a 


'nd  on  the  in- 
1  its  tone  and 
sded  and  will 
?age  of  battle 
ted.  If  it  be 
al  fight,  then 
oid  the  lists, 
itend  this  no- 
amicable  and 

0  the  peace, 
nore  compli- 
ice  be  its  re- 
s  to  be  in  its 
able  value — ■ 
iltivated,  the 
!  a  desire  for 
development 

of  its  com- 
nefitted  and 
nd  "clothed 
rash  and  in- 
vill  deserve, 
[)f  this  Gov- 
id  war,  with 
rtri  most  de- 
.  His  very 
a  wrong  the 
mid  not,  we 

constituted 
Texas,  she 
t  in  the  an- 
ery  bloody, 
irman,  that, 
Texas,  the 
ith  'Texas, 
act,  and  at 
1  me  from 
lot  feel  to- 

1  tJie  com- 
Y  born  into 

the  kind- 
1  of  States, 
ssings  and 
le  C4overn- 
hich  some 

are  weal^ 
J  exhaust- 
,  that  her 

;  not  be- 
invincible 
ips  of  the 
uid  sweep 
vith  Great 
in  amica- 
?sary,  and 


^on.'Cqucntly  highly  criminal.  And  much  as  that  territory  is  worth  to  ns — and  were  it 
#orth  ten  times  told  the  wealth  of  the  Indies — its  value  is  still  not  so  great  that  it 
^ould  be  retained  at  the  heavy  and  inordinate  expense  of  reckless  and  unnecessary 
ti^ar,  the  crime  of  wholesale  murder,  which  the  world's  wealth  could  not  expiate,  or 
fte  world. of  waters  wash  away.  We  should  not  scruple  to  modify  the  notice  in  the 
manner  indicated,  when  no  evil  can  result  from  it;  and  all  admit  there  is  nothing  dis- 
honorable, nothing  humiliating  in  it. 

/'  I  have  said  that  the  intention  of  this  notice  will  be  gathered  from,  and  the  controversy 
df  war  and  peace  depend,  to  some  extent,  on  the  subsequent  action  of  Congress ;  and 
itf  one  of  the  measures  which  may  so  affect  the  notice  and  the  whole  subject,  the  bill 
introduced  by  the  Committee  on  Territories  stands  first  and  foremost,  particularly 
conspicuous  in  obnoxious  objections.  The  draughtsman  of  the  bill,  and  chairman  of 
tlie  committee,  (Mr.  Douglass,)  was  in  remarkable  haste  in  the  introduction  of  this  bill ; 
s(hd  doubtless  some  of  its  manifold  imperfections  are  attributable  to  the  great  and  unne- 

2 Bsary  haste  in  its  preparation.  And  the  gentleman  himself,  after  the  subsidence  of 
alous  and  fiery  haste,  has  withdrawn  the  bill  for  the  amendment  and  corrections  of 
''second  sober  thoughts."  But  as  I  do  not  purpose  here  debating  that,  I  shall  only 
iiilude  to  its  defects.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  declare,  if  that  bill  passes  in  its  present  shape,  it 
cinnot  but  be  regarded  as  a  cause  of  instant  war.  It  would  be  a  violation  of  the  treaty,  for 
Wasserts  title,  by  boundary,  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  ;  it  grants  lands  in  any  part  of  the 
■ritory,  on  the  north  as  well  as  south  side  of  the  49th  parallel,  in  the  very  centre  of 
disputed  and  debatable  land  that  lies  between  the  49  and  54  40  parallel,  and  pledges 
honor  and  whole  power  of  the  nation  to  make  good  the  grant;  it  establishes  bkitk  houses, 
•ts,  and  stockades  ;  and  this  bill,  or  .-lother  on  your  table,  provides  for  raising  the  men 
10  are  to  garrison  these  forts,  stockati*  s,  and  blockades  ;  thus,  in  itself,  before  notice 
given,  taking,  in  violation  of  the  Vtt,:r  and  spirit  of  the  treaty,  exclusive  possessioa 
the  whole  country,  and  shutting  out  all  hopes  of  a  compromise  of  our  claims  to 
fegon,  and  must  involve  us  iu  vt^ar.  S appose,  however,  the  notice  be  given,  such  as 
lave  contended  for,  and  be  unaffected  by  any  rash  action  on  our  part,  what  possible 
iiext,  what  ground  for  war  ?  The  treaty  itself,  as  has  been  often  remarked,  provides 
►I  the  notice,  and  could  give  no  just  reason,  or  even  excuse,  to  Great  Britain,  for  war. 
iK  however,  she  were  to  take  offence,  why,  we  being  in  the  right  before,  let  the  guilt 
Md  consequences  of  a  war  be  on  her  head. 

'The  reasons  which  have  produced  conviction  on  my  mind,  that,  if  the  notice  were 
ijjiven,  we  will  not  have  war,  are  briefly  : 

,  The  inconsiderable  amount  of  territory  which  is  now  in  real  dispute,  our  Government 
||as  four  times  substantially  proposed  to  England  to  setUe,  by  taking,  as  our  northern 
"  lundary,  the  49th  parallel — England  has  four  times  substantially  offered  to  compro- 
ise,  pnd  take,  as  her  southern  boundary,  the  49th  parallel,  till  it  struck -the  Columbia 
iver,  and  thence  down  the  river  to  its  mouth,  in  about  46th  parallel.     Thus,  it  may 
lirly  be  inferred,  the  country  between  the  Columbia  and  49th  parallel  is,  in  fact,  only 
le  subject  of  controversy.     It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  two  such  mighty  empires 
in,  in  this  day  of  Christian  influence  and  enlightened  feeling,  be  brought  into  conflict 
ir  a  territory,  compared  to  the  losses  which  each  would  sustain  in  the  conflict,  of  insig- 
iificant  value.     And  I  must  say  that,  for  one,  I  estimate  highly,  in  producing  and  pre- 
rving  the  peace  of  the  world,  the  influence  of  the  Christian  religion — an  influence 
bich,  though  not  seen  on  the  throne,  yet  is  above  the  throne  ;  which  is  not  audible 
lOut  the  high  places  of  the  earth,  but  which,  with  its  inaudible  and  potent  spell,  sur- 
lunds  the  rulers  of  the  earth,  and  gives  direction  to  their  courses.     It  would  be  a  re- 
lection  on  our  common  religion  to  suppose  that  two  such  nations  as  England  and  Ame- 
rica, the  bulwarks  of  Christendom,  should  fight  for  cause  so  small  as  that  in  controversy 
letwecn  them. 

Again,  sir,  nations  '  ^  not  go  to  war  now  with  the  same  ease  and  readiness  they  did 
In  times  past.  The  habits  of  peace  multiply  interests  in  favor  of  its  continuance,  and 
leget  the  desire  for  its  perpetuation.  England,  and  we  ourselves,  have  been  affected 
in  the  same  v.-ay.   She  is  not  so  warlike  as  she  once  was.     With  a  change  of  intcres, 


i 


10 


there  is  a  change  of  policy.     Once,  owing  to  her  insular  position,  England  regarde 
conquest  as  necessary  to  extend  her  dominion,  and  increase  her  rank  and  influenfi 
among  continental  nations.     Then  chivalry  was  her  spirit,  and  proudly  and  bravely  di!' 
she  manilest  it— war  her  policy,  and  fiercely  and  successfully  did  she  pursue,  it.     He 
bold  barons  and  stout  men-at-arms,  in  hard  fought  fields,  added  conquest  to  conques 
till  her  flag  floated  over  a  larger  territory  than  that  of  any  power  on  earth.      But  coni| 
jnerce  and  manufactures  are  the  sources  of  her  wealth,  and  the  means  of  her  powei. 
and  peace  is  necessary  for  their  prosperity,  and  she  carefully  preserves  it.     England  op' 
the  nineteenth  century  is  not  England  of  the  16th  century.     The  England  ruled  by  tlii 
Guelphs  is  not  England  ruled  by  the  fiery  Plantagenets,  the  haughty  Tudors,  or  ilij 
s'orn  and  uncompromising  Protector.     England,  commercial  and  manufacturing,  is  no 
England,  feudal  and  chivalrous.     Her  interest  being  in  peace,  she  will  not  rashly  go  u 
war.     By  your  gasconading  on  this  floor— by  insults  in  diplomacy,  you  may,  if  yoi 
want  a  fight,  obtain  it;  for  England,  like  ourselves,  holds  such  relation  to  the  worli 
she  cannot  safely,  without  risk  of  her  own  destruction,  have  her  power  to  avenge  insul 
and  right  wrong,  made  the  subject  of  doubt.     By  bravado  and  menace — by  the  exhib' 
tion  of  an  exacting  spirit,  we  may  place  her  in  such  condition,  that  she  may  have  lu 
forego  all  the  benefits  of  peace,  and  hazard  all  the  evils  and  losses  of  war ;  for  Eng^ 
land  has  not  lost  all  the  feeling  which  once  led  her  soldiers  to  the  field.     The  grei^j 
men  who  rule  a  country,  are  almost  always  the  types  of  its  people;  and  you  see  in  t\v 
of  her  prominent  rulers  the  fair  representation  t>f  the  feelings  of  the  English  peopltj 
Sir  Robe(|Jjf  eel,  nominally  connected  with  the  Tory  party,  is  yet  the  idolized  defende. 
of  the  commercial  and  manufacturing  classes.     He  is  cool,  sagacious,  and  pacific ;  am 
in  English,  politics  stand  in  bold  and  conspicuous  relief,  and  gives  the  strongest  assui 
ance  of  peace.    In  grim  repose,  and  behind  him,  however,  stands  the  hero  of  Waterloi 
ready,  if  English  honor  be  assailed,  or  if  we  force  the  figlit,  to  lend  his  iron  arm  aiij 
iron  nerve  to  enforce  the  resolves  of  Parliament.      I  am  one  of  those  who  woulj 
not  recklessly  provoke  the  war,  but  still  I  am  among  that  number  who  think,  that 
war  come,   we  can,   as    in    times   past,   again    maintain    the    honor    and   interes 
of  the  republic  against  all   the   power  of  the  English   monarchy,   led  by   the   iro, 
Duke  himself.    All  I  purpose  saying  is,  that  England  has  too  many  interests  depemi 
ant  on  peace,  and  particularly  peace  with  us,  lightly  to  break  it ;  and  it  will  not  b, 
broken,  unless  the  designing  or  reckless  bluster  of  braggarts  and  demagogues  force  thi 
strife.     The  predictions   which  some  gentlemen  have  made  on  this  floor  have  bed 
amusingly  falsified  during  this  debate.     Those  gentlemen  wlio  were  so  fortunate  as 
get  the  floor  soon  after  the  discussion  opened,  and  were  opposed  to  notice,  made  thi 
most  violent  appeals  to  our  fears,  based  on  the  most  confident  predictions,  that  any  ai 
lion  by  Congress,  and  that  the  very  recommendation  of  noticb  in  tlie  message,  woiil 
result  in  instant  war,  and  the  then  expected  English  steamer  would  bring  the  stardii 
intelligence  that  England  had  instantly,  to  the  wiiole  world,  made  proclamation  of  h 
wrongs  and  of  her  preparation  for  battle.     But  that  steamer  came,  and  the  news  is,  th: 
England  is  more  than  Usually  pacific.     I  never  participated  in  those  fears,  or  believej 
those  predictions  ;  I  knew  she  wanted  the  repeal  of  your  tarifl",  which  fosters  and  pr( 
tects  your  own  people,  and  gives  impulse  and  continued  progression  to  the  prosperit] 
of  this  country.     She  wanted  your  mechanics,  your  manufacturers,  your  laborers,  yo 
farmers,  made  tributary  to  her;  and  she  well  knew  this  only  could  be  done  by  the  repei 
of  your  tarilT,  to  obtain  which,  and  the  assurance  of  its  never  being  re-enacted,  she  wouli 
give  you  all  Oregon  and  Canada  to  boot,  and  then  make  a  good  bargain.     And,  sir,  tlij 
President  in  Uiis  same  mess.ige,  which  recommends  notice,  also  advises  and  insists 
the  repeal  of  the  taritT.     Thus,  tliough  one  part  ol"  the  advice  might  be  calculated  to 
cite,  the  other  part  was  to  stsothe;  and  the  prospect  of  the  speedy  dcslnn^tion  of  on 
tarifl",  a  consummation  by  lior  most  devoutly  to  hi"  wished,  kce[)s  luir  iii  a  state  of 
most  perfect  (iiiict.     There  is  too  much  reaftou  to  fear,  Mr.  Cliainiiaii,  ''-.at  some  sort 
a  trade  is  about  to  he  made  by  the  British  Covcnimcnt  and  this  (Jovorniuent,  in  whir: 
the  seltlciuenl  of  the  Oregon  (luostion  is  to  be  the  price  for  the  riipcal  of  the  tarilli 
The  union  of  these  questions  would  be  exceedingly  uiWbrlunate  ;  each  ought  to  restoj 


«ffy.fK'Hl»l  IIHIID MM 


■ !'.'.!'  r" 


'.-^..  .ji'J 


11 


igland  regarde 
k  and  in(liieno> 
and  bravely  di,'| 
ursue  it.  He; 
38 1  to  conquesi' 
th.      But  com' 


n  merits,  and  be  determined  accordingly.  I  have  referred  to  this  to  show  that 
nd  is  watching  the  interests  of  her  manufactures,  and  is  willing  to  sacrifice  terri- 
0  maintain  them. 

ain,  sir,  the  extent  of  her  commerce  and  her  inability  to  protect  it  will  prevent  Eng- 
from  rashly  going  to  war;  nv.nerous  as  are  her  ships  of  battle,  yet  her  ships^ 
e  h  igiited  with  rich  cargoes,  are  still  more  numerous,  and  comparatively  unprotected  ; 

I  ot  ner  P'^^'^'j^ial^rays  sagacious,  knows  that  the  first  gun  which  is  fired  in  this  war  will  be  the 
1  1  I  f"  i''**^  '*^  ^^^^  *'^^  eagles  to  the  carcase,  and  proclaim  a  richer  harvest  to  the  privateers 
nd  ruled  by  '  '^jpj^gjgg  jj^^^  gygj.  before  was  yielded  to  the  reapers  of  the  seas.  Those  nations  who 
.  ""**?"^'  ^^  W  long  hated  England  for  her  naval  and  commercial  supremacy,  (never  disputed  but 
acturing,  is  ni;^  ^  ^^^jj  ^j^^^^  j-ggj  ^j^^^^  l^l^g  Shylock,  having  a  hated  enemy  on  the  hip,  right 
lot  rashly  go  [^^.^^^  ^^^^  j.^^jj^  ^y^^y  ^^^^  j-^^j  ^j^^j^  ancient  grudge. 

lu  may,  it  yofgj^j^  gj^.^  gentlemen  who  have  argued  against  notice,  upon  the  ground  that  it  would 
n  to  the  worli„Ai|j^g  ^^^^  j^^^^  continued  to  dwell  on  the  power  of  Great  Britain  and  of  our  weak- 
%  they  look  only  on  one  side  of  the  picture.     Powerful  as  she  is,  yet  in  the  midst 
'  t  power  are  the  elements  of  weakness  ;  and  our  want  of  preparation  for  war,  which 
men  have  said  was  our  weakness,  is  the  very  condition  which  gives  us  ultimate 
th.     Why,  if  we  were  fully  prepared  for  war,  if  we  had  a  large  standing  army, 
endent  of  the  discontents  produced  by  increased  taxation  to  support  it,  and  the 
rs  from  its  force  being  turned  upon  ourselves,)  consciousness  of  that  power  might 
arrogance  and  rapacity,  and  it  might  be  we  should  then  be  too  ready  to  listen  to 
alorous  suggestions  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  declared  that  they  never  ^diiild  be 
ied  whilst  any  other  nation  held  a  foot  of  territory  on  the  American  continent ;  and 
.rmies,  now  under  the  lead  of  the  high  spirited  and  gallant  gentlemen  from  Illinois 
lichigan  might  be  engaged  in  a  crusade,  re-annexing  and  re-occupying  all  the 
ry  on  the  American  continent,  driving  all  other  nations  from  its  possession,  and, 
rrow  the  beautiful  language  so  common  in  this  debate,  "planting  the  Aniericanea- 
er  every  foot  of  soil  from  Terra  del  Fuego  to  the  North  Pole.     But,  sir,  seriously, 
efensive  war  we  are  always  sufficiently  strong  to  maintain  our  honor  against  the 
in  arms.     For  cffensive  war,  we  can  never,  till  war  comes,  be  prepared.     But 
and  has  dangers,  commercial  and  political,  internal  and  external,  which  greatly 
en  her.     (It  being  announced  to  me  that  I  have  only  six  minutes  left  of  my  hour, 
only  glance  at  them.)     Her  proximity  to  the  continent  of  Europe,  that  spirit  now 
ork  there,  the  dangers  to  the  old  monarchies  consequent  on  the  death  of  the  King  of 
French,  whenever  it  may  happen,  and  according  to  the  course  of  nature  in  a  few 
s,  the  discontent  at  home,  her  enormous  public  debt  and  its  incidental  evils,  the  rest- 
agitation  of  Irish  repeal  and  Irish  emancipation,  our  proximity  to  the  Canadas,  all 
est  dangers  to  English  rulers  sufiicient  to  make  them  desire  a  war,  least  of  all  with 
United  States ;  for  much  as  she  might  injure  us,  it  is  not  more  than  we  could  her. 
must  admit  that  each  on  the  other  could  inflict  incalculable  evil, 
gain,  there  is  no  honor  involved  in  our  maintaining  our  rights  up  to  54  40;  none 
ireat  Britain  maintaining  hers  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river.     If  it  were  a 
stion  of  honor,  then  it  were  useless  to  urge  compromise  to  the  people  of  the  United 
tes,  on  whom  "dishonor's  breath  "'r^uld  light  as  the  whirlwind  on  the  waters."  But  our 
t  sagacious  diplomatists  have  Ou.red  a  compromise.     Mr.  Polk  himself  has  oflered 
promise.     England  has  done  the  same.     We  differ  only  as  to  the  terms  of  compro- 
e.     Our  ablest  statesmen,  in  the  most  cunningly  contrived  arguments  on  our  tide, 
e  never  been  willing  to  claim  as  their  "  ultimatum"  all  the  country  up  to  54  40. 
w,  surely,  gentlemen  will  not  contend  tliat  the  people,  who  are  to  pay  the  taxes,  and 
r  the  burdens,  and  light  the  battles  of  the  war,  are  to  fight  tor  that  which  the  diplo- 
tist  ill  Ills  argument  has  never  oontciuled  for,  and  tlic  President  oflered  to  give  up. 
las  been  said  l)y  some  of  the  most  fievy  of  the  gentlemen,  tliat  otir  title  is  good  to  54 
,and  that  tlten,  it  being  a  question  of  right,  there  should  be  no  calculation  of  conseciuen- 
,  no  conipromise;  and  if  war  comes,  let  it  come.    There  is  no  sensible,  prudent  man, 
lis  private  aflairs,  governed  by  argument  so  simple,  liy  reasoning  so  foolish.     That 
n  who  in  private  life  contends  for  every  thiiff  wiiicli  is  his,  and  has  it,  or  has  a  law 


»  avenge  insul 
-by  the  exhib 
le  may  have  ijl 
war;  for  En? 
Id.  Thegrei, 
you  see  in  tw 
English  peopli 
slized  defende; 
d  pacific ;  am 
itrongest  assui 
0  of  Waterloi 
s  iron  arm  aiii 
3e  who  woiil 
J  think,  that 

and   interes 

by   the   iro, 
erests  depeniii 
it  will  not  b!a 
►gues  force  thi 
oor  have  bee* 
brlunate  as 
tice,  made  tlii 
3,  that  any  ai 
essage,  woiil 
g  the  stardiii 
unation  of  h 

news  is,  th 
rs,  or  believc| 
>sters  and  pn 
the  prosperii; 
laborers,  yoi: 

by  the  repe; 
ed,  she  woiili 

And,  sir,  il 
uul  insists  oi 
eulated  to  > 
■uction  of  oii 

a  stale  of 
it  some  sort 
enl,  in  wliici] 

of  the   laril! 
gilt  to  reslc 


I 


i 


I 


ii 


42 


suit  for  it,  soon  is  hated  by  his  neighbors,  gets  into  endless  and  vexatious  law  suits,, 
ends  his  career  a  baniirupt — a  striking  and  practical  exemplification  of  the  folly  0' 
rule  of  action.     And  that  nation  who  would  adopt  for  its  government  such  a  nuj 
and  contend  for  every  thing  which  it  thought  was  hers,  would  only  on  a  larger  seal' 
hibit  the  folly  and  madness  of  the  principle  of  its  government,  would  lose  infinitely 
than  it  would  gain — be  involved  in  interminable  and  bloody  wars.     God  deliver! 
people  from  rulers  whose  administration  would  be  based  on  principles  so  foolisli 
which  would  prove  so  di^astrous  in  consequence.     This  question  is  emphatically 
peculiarly  one  for  adjustment  by  negotiation,  not  by  arms.     No  man  contends  thai 
can  take  and  maintain  Oregon  by  the  sword,  without  an  enormous  increase  of  the  s 
ing  army  and  navy,  and  incurring  a  debt  of  more  tlian  two  hundred  millions  of  do 
besides  the  loss  of  many  of  the  lives  of  your  best  and  bravest  citizens.     And  sup| 
you  determine  to  have  the  "whole  or  none,"  and  to  fight  for  the  whole,  andyoucomnii 
that  war,  and  through  long  years  of  heavy  and  oppressive  taxation,  through  couiij 
exhausting  and  bloody  battles,  till  the  very  earth  and  the  seas  are  red  with  the  blo( 
your  children,  still  you  must  arrange  the  controversy  at  last  by  negotiation — by  tri 
The  people  and  their  voice  is  omnipotent  here.    The  people  of  England  are  not  v 
less  now  on  questions  in  which  their  interests,  their  lives,  and  property  are  invol 
-and  they,  the  great  body  of  the  people  of  both  countries,  do  not  desire  a  war  each 
ihe  other,  let  restless  and  aspiring  rulers  plot  and  plan  as  they  do  for  their  own 
grandizement,  they  will  not  suffer  themselves  to  be  involved  in  all  the  horrors  S 
losses^hich  that  war  will  produce.  ,,a,..,^.; 

Sir.^is  question  ought  to  be  settled  by  negotiation.     How  much  we  ought  to  d 
amust  be  left  to  the  treaty-making  power ;  and  expression,  at  this  stage  of  the  coi 
versy,  might  only  embarrass  the  President,  and  do  more  harm  than  good.  I 
lieve  no  time  will  ever  come  for  an  honorable  and  amicable  settlement  of  this  qucs] 
wore  auspicious  than  the  present.     And  the   considerations   which  I  have  presci 
^ave  induced  the  opinion,  on  my  mind,  that  it  can  be  settled  by  negotiation,  ard 
there  will  be  no  war,  unless  the  war  result  from  the  want  of  ability  of  the   Presii 
nnd  unskilfulness  of  his   diplomacy.     If  the  President  be   what  he  ought  to  be^ 
he  were  far  less  than  what  the  people  took  him   for  when  they,  by  their  votes,  lij 
him  to  that  high  place  he  now  fills — a  place  whose  honors  are  more  to  be  coveted 
•■"the  costliest  robe  which  ere  was  wrapped  lound  regal  limbs"— there  would  be  no  da 
of  a  war;  for,  in  the  present  condition  of  England,  without  the  grossest  blunders' 
our  part,  we  need  not  apprehend  a  war,  if  the  notice  be  given.     Tl^ese  remarks  ii 
been  made  on  the  supposition  that  no  new  correspondence  has  taken  place  between 
Government  and  Great  Britain ;  that  the  state  of  the  question,  so  far  as  negotiatiorj 
concerned,  is  ttie  same  it  was  when  Congress  commenced  ;  for  I  cannot  suppose 
the  President  has  received  or  made  any  proposition  of  settlement  without  comni 
eating  the  same  to  us.     It  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  highly  reprehensible  in  him,  \\\ 
asking  our  advice  on  this  matter,  not  to  give  us  all  the  information  in  his  power, 
ask  us, to  leap  blindly,  and  in  the  dark. 

But  if  notice  be  withheld,  IVTr.  Chairman,  and  that  policy  advocated  by  those 
posed  to  notice  be  pursued,  I  believe  war,  and  the  probable  loss  of  the  territory, 
he  the  consequence.     They  say — "delay  your  notice;  England  is  too  strong  v 
she  is  getting  old  ;  soon  she  will  be  weak  ;  and  then — we  bide  our  time  till  then, 
the  mean  time,  let  the  treaty  remain  ;  give  no  notice  to  terminate  ;  send  your  mei 
your  hardy  and  bold  pioneers — to  .cultivate  the  soil ;  cover  it  with  military  posts 
garrison  them  with  men  ;"  and  thus,  whilst  the  treaty  stands  in  full  force,  in  vjolaij 
[  of  its  provisions,  take  exclusive  possession  of,  and  prepare  to  fight  for,  the  whole 
Oregon.     We  have  been  told,  if  notice  be  given,   it  will   produce  npiinic  war ;  bii 
seems  to  me  if  it  be  not  given,  and  these  suggestions  followed  out,  we  will  have  u] 
mately  a  war — at  least,  produced  by  jmnic  faith.     Sir,  this  policy,  advocated 
lionorable  gentlemen,  and  doul)tles3  from  a  conviction  of  its  wisdom  and  patriotism 
as  wise  as  that  of  the  foolish  bird  which  hides  its  liead,  and  supposes  its  body  li 
This  policy  of  waiting  and  biding  ou|i  time,  is  compared  eloquently  to  tlie  waiting 


menca| 
gof  tl 


)n, 


I 


ifSQ^tfOfimfir^r.  ?:*• 'v?^;>;Vi'j»'?»>J*i^ft 


ous  law  suits,! 
of  the  folly  o 
mt  such  a  iiia! 
1  a  larger  seal' 
)se  intiaitely 
God  deliver 
les  so  foolish 
emphatically 
contends  thai 
rease  of  the  s 
lillions  of  doi! 
IS.  And  supj 
nd  you  comini 
through  couii] 
with  the  bloc 


I 


13 


merican  eagle,  preparing  for  its  stroke.     It  sounded  rather  to  my  ear  like  the 
g  of  that  other  emblem  which  (in  the  group  of  statuary   above  your  Speaker's 
attends  the  Goddess,  and  types  her  wisdom — rather  like  the  hissing  of  a  serpent. 
,  at  least,  the  serpent's  guile,  if  not  its  wisdom. 

t,  independent  of  bad  faith  and  violation  of  national  honor,  which  would  result 
the  policy  of  the  advocates  of  delay,  war  is  rendered  far  more  probable,  than  by 
pen,  manly,  and  frank  course  urged  by  advocates  of  notice.  Emigration  is  accu- 
ing  a  pepulation  in  Oregon,  from  this  country  and  from  England.  It  is  important 
ve  the  rights  of  the  respective  countries  determined  as  soon  as  possible,  because 
ments  will  be  made  by  American  and  English  citizens  in  the  debatable  land— each 
rnm6nt  will  feel  bound  to  protect  its  citizens;  conflicting  laws  enforced  by  conrts  of 
cting  jurisdiction,  together  with  the  diflference  resulting  from  political  tendencies 
rinciples  of  two  sets  of  occupants — one  American  and  republican,  the  other  English 
onarchical — will  greatly  increase  the  probabihties  of  war.  But  time  prevents  me 
lation—by  Tn*¥^^ve""'"?  on  this  topic, 
md  are  not  vP?'''^'^^'  ^^^  danger  of  war,  let  not  gentlemen  estimate  too  lightly  the  possibility  of 
erty  are  invol^^ft  '''^^  territory  by  delay. 

3  a  war  each  IfW  ^^^  purpose  of  attaining  the  same  ends  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  pur- 

ibr  their  own  T^^*^*"^  courses,  and  none  more  so  than  in  colonizing  and  settling  distant  territory. 

the  horrors 'i^"*^  ^^  ^^^  pioneers  the  bold  hunter,  with  the  rifle  on  his  shoulder;  we  send  the 

**    rious  tiller  of  the  soil.     The  British  Empire  sends  as  her  pioneers  a  collossal  cor- 

n,   with  powers  of  government,   and  its  agents,  servants,  soldiers,    trappers, 

ders,  are  the  only  settlers  ;  all  its  acquisitions,  however,  of  territory  enure  to  the 

,  whose  agent  it  is.  It  is  not  important  here  to  calculate  the  comparative  efficienoy 

e  different  modes  of  colonization  and  settlement,  but  the  past  success  of  England, 

imilar  course  in  another  hemisphere  of  the  earth,  warrants  us  at  least  irt  being  on 

ard.     A  hundred  years  ago  Great  Britain  had  chartered  an  East  India  Company, 

nominal  business  and  legitimate  powers  were  confined  to  a  trade  in  tea  and  silk. 

,ons  and  dissensions  existed  'n  the  Mogtil  Empire,  and  in  the  midst  of  which  art 

onarch,  who  had  long  held  power,  in  the  statelylanguagr  of  an  ancient  chronicler  of 

ry,  breathed  his  last,  and  left  the  splendors  of  the  Imperial  palaces  of  Delhi.  Those 

tions  opened  into  rebellion,  and  the  question  as  to  whom  should  be  his  successor, 

se  palaces  and  power,  became  one  of  exciting  interest.     Little  was  it  thought  that 

se  remarks!  ^'^'^"y^  of  traders  would,  in  behalf  of  a  nation  tifteen  thousand  miles  distant,  succese- 

'"  assert  a  claim  to  the  dominion  of  East  Indies.     But  it  was  asserted,  and  England, 

that  tar  seeing  sagacity,  and  that  far  reaching  ambition,  which  has   character- 

er  course  and  gradually  enlarged  her  power  for  five  hundred  years,  commenced  a 

of  cflorts  of  both  arts  and  arms,  which  has  resulted  in  winning  for  her  a  more  ex- 

e  and  valuable  territory  than  she  has  ever  added  to  her  dominions  by  either  ancient 

dern  conquest.     And  now  she  has  on  the  western  coast  of  America  another  com- 

whose  object  and  purpose  is  professedly  to  trade  in  furs  and  peltry.     But,  still 

ng  the  soil,  it  settles  for  the  use  of  the  government  which  gave  it  charter.     Let  no 

ay  that  this  Hudson  Bay  Company,  bearing,  as  it  does,  vice  regal  power  among 

fant  settlements  on  the  waters  of  the  Pacific,  and  amid  the  wilderness  of  Oregon, 

its  forty  military  posts,  its  thousand  trappers,  traders,  and  soldiers,  and  its  numer- 

ndivin  allies,  and  with  that  vast  magazine  of  Indian  tribes  which  the  mad  policy  of 

overnment,  for  years  past,  has  been  increasing,  and  from  which  this  company  can 

at  pleasure  men  for  fighting  or  annoying  the  settlers.   I  say,  let  no  man  assert  that 

ompany  is  to  be  slightly  estimated  as  an  auxiliary  to  British  ambition  and  British 

nson  Oregon. 

t,  if  this  question  of  notice  is  to  be  kept  open  much  longer,  there  will,  I  fear,  be 
a  party  in  this  country  for  war;  at  present  none  such  exists.  It  will  be  mingled 
the  strifes  and  excitements  of  another  Presidential  contest;  and,  under  the  inflam- 
y  appeals  of  party  leaders,  popular  feeling  in  this  country  may  be  roused  to  such 
t  as  to  demand  a  war.   Sir,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unwise  long.r  to  delay  the  notice. 


ve  ought  to  d 
ige  of  the  coi 
han  good.  I 
t  of  this  qufis| 
'.  have  prese: 
)tiation,  ard 
pf  the   Presii 

ought  to  be 
their  votes,  li| 

be  coveted 
3uld  be  no  dat' 
sest  blunders 


ace  between 
negotiatiorJl 
not  suppose : 

lout  comm| 
le  in  him,  \v| 

his  power, 


ed  by  those 
territory, 
00  strong  \ 
le  till  then, 
nd  your  me 
tary  posts, 
rce,  in  violaij 
r,  the  wholei 
lie  W!ar  ;  bii 
will  have  ii| 
advocated 
I  patriotism 
its  body  li 
the  waiting 


;S 


1 


« 


K. 


14 


•'1 

'■' 

!  iv 

;  \ 

i 


The  constant  agitation  of  this  question,  afTecting  as  it  does  the  probabilities  of 
and  war,  must  prove  injurious  to  the  prosperity  of  the  nation.     Uncertainly  and 
on  these  probabilities  must  produce  constant  and  prejudicial  fluctuations  and  chan: 
the  commerce  and  business  of  the  country,  to  prevent  which,  all  ought  to  des 
bring  this  subject  to  an  adjustment  as  speedily  as  possible.     To  its  honorable  zi 
cific  adjustment,  notice  is  a  preliminary  and  necessary  step. 

By  refusing  this  notice,  you  do  not,  sir,  arrest,  you  only  'ncrease  the  agitation  o 
subject.  You  may  fold  your  arms,  you  may  silence  your  tongue  ;  or  you  may,  c 
contrary,  by  the  most  persuasive  or  violent  efforts,  attempt  t"-  stay  this  question 
course ;  but  in  vain.  Influences  and  interests  are  at  work  which  irresistibly  hurry 
to  a  fortunate  or  unfortunate  termination,  to  a  peaceful  or  hostile  issue.  It  is  tb 
of  wisdom  to  direct,  when  it  cannot  control  the  current. 

If  the  policy  which  I  have  advocated  be  pursued,  peace,  I  trust,  and  firmly  be 
will  be  its  fruit.  Should,  however,  after  we  shall  have  done  all  that  brave  and  h( 
ble  men  ought  to  do,  to  avoid  the  conflict,  our  adversary,  in  her  arrogance  and  vs 
power,  force  on  a  war,  then  we  stand  acquitted  ;  and  upon  her  let  fall  the  bloo 
crime  of  that  war,  in  all  its  accursed  and  damning  guilt.  Our  ancient  foe  again  wl  | 
that  a  united  and  brave  people,  such  as  ours,  are  always  invincible.  We  willn 
show  that  we  are  able  to  maintain  our  honor  in  the  field  against  Great  Britain, 
need  be,  against  the  world  in  arms. 

I  will  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  some  have  done,  make  the  contingency  of  war  t^ 
text  for  a  high-wrought  eulogy  on  my  native  State,  Kentucky.    Her  brave  people] 
no  eulogy.     Her  history  in  the  past  is  her  pledge  for  the  future.     The  blood 
children,  poured  out  upon  "  an  hundred  battle-fields"  in  the  past  war,  gives  the  si 
est  assurance — stronger  than  words — how  she  will  bear  herself  again  in  any  succef 
fight.     I  can  say,  with  perfect  sincerity,  for  my  constituents,  and  for  Kentuckiani 
erally,  that,  though  they  want  no  war,  if  v/ar  come,  without  any  reference  to  part[ 
tinctions,  forgetful  of  party  divisions,  remembering  only  the  common  danger  and 
common  brotherhood.  Democrats  and  Whigs,  with  equal  patriotism  and  equal 
will  stand  side  by  side,  ready  to  repel  the  foe  which  threatens  to  invade  the  soil; 
will  not  be  the  last  to  go,  or  the  first  to  quit  the  field.       .  ;. ;  ,,      ,  ; 


'V'    '.'I'.  «  i'    «  I  UiMir'i-;  H10;>  '•  .>l  f<.;  i  .^:!     , 


.!'3..1 


.  >   !  •       ■•  I  r 


u 


■ytr.-' 


;m  ,».  ■:  ',  ''.    'I., I 


y  ■:■    ),,i  I.   I'.  ■   ,t  ,  -  •  I.  ■     i      I 
it     ;;      -..    '  *    .-' 
,•  •    "   .  ■.  ■       ''"ff  *      I'l'  ■.'  ' 
..^  -■-■.'■    ■ )    >  h    ■      , 

t   I  \\  !■       .      ■    I'ii..--      '     .  1 

.    ■  r  •...   J  ■    ,,  .  >;■?;.;■■ 

,.\,  .■     .  •  •  ..,;,  i'.i-    ,  ' 

.,'j  ,;.  .   !  f.n:     ,•-  . 

•  .       ■'■  •  f     ,    I"  ■■    •• 


,  1  .'V    ■'  . 


!':)< 


1  .•.  1  1,'J  yv 


1     '■        .-iTf      m!      i 

•      ('  s'    r|:    •  ''I      ■.,.  ■•  ; 


,  •     ^'    •  •  i 


,     1;  •■•,     •,ii.;j 

,!►       •    I    ...»      t-»i,    ' 

.r.i  ,'j  (>  Id 

•i  <i    )  ...•)  ''tit;  , 


■  >'    . . 


■I   .    \ 


.       ';,  ■> 


;.■  H  H  .»''  '■'• 


.■'  •'*,    .  1 ,  '••  ,.  LiiT«.ir»lj  i»J  I*- 1 


^ 


robabilitiss  of 
ncertainiy  and 
tions  and  chaii; 
ill  ought  to  des 
is  honorable  ai. 

the  agitation  ( 
or  you  may,  o 
r  this  question 
esistibly  hurry 
ssue.     It  is  ttif 

and  firmly  be 
It  brave  and  hf, 
'ogance  and  va  | 
Bt  fall  the  bloo 
It  foe  again  wl 
)le.  We  Willi 
rreat  Britain, 

icy  of  war  th| 
r  brave  peopld 

The  blood 
ir,  gives  the  sf 
n  in  any  succt 
»r  Kentuckiaii; 
■erence  to  pan 
on  danger  and 
sm  and  equal 
vade  the  soil; 


'.  ^.  'I;;  :*   ■■: 


lUi.rib  L. 


